Politics & Government
COLUMN: When The GOP Circus Came To Town
Tuscaloosa Patch founder and field editor Ryan Phillips gives a long-winded account of his experience and thoughts from the debate.

*This is an opinion column*
TUSCALOOSA, AL — My home state of Alabama was mentioned all of two times during Wednesday night's fourth GOP Presidential Primary Debate held before an invitation-only audience in the 1,000-seat concert hall at the University of Alabama's Moody Music Building.
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The event was the final primary debate sanctioned by the Republican National Committee (RNC), which comes ahead of the Iowa caucuses next month.
If for no reason other than staving off boredom, one of the simple tasks I assigned myself for the long evening ahead was to tally and expound upon the number of times Alabama was mentioned and provide the context for it.
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Two times. That's all they felt we were worth, at least from where I was sitting — in the packed media spin room watching the event on one of several flatscreen TVs like everyone else I knew witnessing the spectacle from home.
Both brief references to the Yellowhammer State were made in passing, with the first nod being a quick mention of the number of fentanyl deaths in Alabama each year.
A thousand deaths per year was the figure cited by one of the moderators, even though various local agencies can't seem to agree on this simple, yet highly politicized, data point.
For example: the Alabama Department of Public Health reported 830 deaths related to the drug in 2021, while the Gulf Coast High Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas Program puts that number for the same year at 1,069 fentanyl-related deaths statewide. The point in mentioning this so early in such a wordy piece is to put the bug in your ear regarding deliberate inconsistencies and outright falsehoods in many of the "facts" peddled Wednesday night.
I also say this not to downplay the severity of the very real fentanyl crisis, but to shed light on the outside perception of our state, with flimsy and opaque data thrown around that portrays Alabama as little more than a drug-addled, failed province with nothing more to offer than college football and oppressive voter identification laws.
This brings me to the second and final shout-out of the evening for my home state.
It was one provided by a NewsNation anchor during a broader discussion of voter ID laws and the meandering candidate responses that followed provided nothing of substance.
That's it. Sorry, Alabama, you're in the back seat for the next two hours.
At the end of the night, though, the Alabama Republican Party seemed to view the debate as a resounding win for the state and the party. Never mind that the programs distributed to those in the concert hall and press room omitted Alabama's March 5 primary on its only page of dated election events in 2024.

Still, I offer up this longwinded preface to point out that not once did any of the four candidates participating in Wednesday night's debate even say the word "Alabama" — a deeply conservative state that is primed to once again turn out overwhelmingly in support of former President Donald Trump if he appears on the Republican Primary ballot in March.
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It's an unfortunate reality most of your more cosmopolitan political pundits in places like Birmingham and Montgomery tend to miss when trying to understand why Alabama is so devoted to the 45th president — truly an unlikely pairing, considering Trump's well-documented passion for gilded opulence and big-city living.
With that in mind, it's easy for many to overlook the ironic abundance of blue, foreign-made Trump flags that can be seen flying, sometimes waving along with the standard Southern Cross version of the Confederate battle flag or, in the weirdest cases, higher than Old Glory herself.
About as prevalent as mailboxes, the first flag in American history to be flown for a lone politician is twisting in the wind from porches and rural flagpoles in places like northern Tuscaloosa County, where I'm from, along with nearby Fayette and Walker counties.
Places like Carbon Hill, where I discretely slipped into a church last June and sat in on a sermon from Tennessee megachurch pastor Greg Locke — one of the most virally evangelical MAGA loyalists whose flock extends light years into cyberspace and well past the walls of his home base church.
With Locke's posh tour bus sitting outside in the gravel parking lot of that Walker County church, I sat politely in a pew for an hour and a half as that angry little man in an expensive suit bounced around the elevated stage like Yosemite Sam, preachings on topics ranging from demons causing autism to the old classic that made his go viral — gender neutral bathrooms at Target.
I've been to Jasper, too, where I attended the 2022 BamaCarry convention and spoke with a self-published author and devoted Trump supporter who explained one of his books that centered on a Biblical justification for guns.
Look all you want, I challenge you, but this reporter will wager the little bit of money in his bank account that if you pay attention and manage to avoid the potholes on those same eroded county roads in our surrounding counties, you won't see very many Joe Biden, Vivek Ramaswamy or Chris Christie flags ... if such peculiar political merchandise even exists.
Rural, blue-collar voters make up a sizable and extremely powerful conservative base in Alabama, which Trump has tapped into like no other Republican president since Ronald Reagan.
While former United Nations ambassador Nikki Haley seems to resonate more with political moderates, Ramaswamy with fringe millennials and Christie with the ineffective "Never Trump" wing of the GOP, these different voting blocs combined still pale in comparison to Trump's base.
After all, what other American political figure in the 21st Century can claim the ravenous loyalty displayed by Trump's most die-hard followers — devotees acting on Trump's thinly veiled orders who stormed the U.S. Capitol in an attempt to stop the certification of Joe Biden's legitimate win in the 2020 presidential election.
Indeed, while candidates like Haley, Ramaswamy and Christie may have a difficult time filling up a high school auditorium on a good day, Trump emboldened a mob of thousands to converge on the nation's capitol and take violent action on his behalf on Jan. 6, 2021.
It was a day that will be remembered for decades to come, with its horrific images of Capitol Police officers being assaulted by the mob, along with videos of rioters busting out windows and entering the Capitol.
Even still, some rioters, such as militia groups like the Oath Keepers, took it a step further and approached the Jan. 6 insurrection very much as a military-style operation, complete with zip ties and explicit military tactics like using a "stack formation" to breach the Capitol building. Alleged plans were uncovered as well that showed some rioters intended to hold members of Congress hostage unless Trump was declared the winner of the 2020 election that was legitimately won by President Joe Biden.
It's also important to remember that Trump said he would have the backs of all those arrested for the attack on the Capitol. Unsurprisingly, though, the former president has not paid so much as a dime in legal fees, as was promised at one point, or even advocated for the release of those who have already been sentenced.
The Huffington Post in a November 2021 report cited Federal Election Commission records showing that through the first half of the year, Trump had not paid for anyone’s legal costs related to Jan. 6, other than possibly his own.
It's one of the most telling aspects of the disturbing event, with the former president using his supporters to incite violence against his fellow countrymen, only to leave those same MAGA disciples hanging out to dry when the consequences of their actions caught up with them.
And at the time of the insurrection, many — including some in Trump's inner circle — held on to baseless hope that Vice President Mike Pence would refuse to certify the results of the election, thus, handing Trump a second term.
The certification of election results, after all, is a mostly formal affair, more for show than practicality, and Pence ultimately refused to intervene in the peaceful transition of power.
And in a matter of moments, thanks to one Tweet from Trump, the mob outside the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6 began to chant "Hang Mike Pence! Hang Mike Pence!"
For those who I'm sure will be critical of my decision to rehash all of this recent history, I do so to point out that this is what the four candidates on Wednesday night's debate stage are up against: A vindictive and petty former president who just so happens to be the de facto leader of the party, whether the party and its members like it or not.
Nevertheless, the candidates in Wednesday's debate mostly grandstanded, with talking points tailored to a nationally televised audience instead of focusing on relatable issues impacting ordinary Alabamians. It should be noted that much more time was given to the volleys of personal attacks, with only brief mentions of wider issues such as combating inflation and zero discussion over protecting Social Security, expanding Medicaid and other not-very-sexy issues.
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Still, it seems we're left with no choice but to accept identity politics as the order of the day — stuff that gets ordinary folks riled up in their living rooms, even though they may not have any real connection to the issue at hand.
For instance, topics like same-sex marriage, abortion and undocumented immigration are not likely to have much, if any, real impact on most God-fearing, rural voters in Alabama who mind their own business. By and large, this demographic represents most of the conservatives I know and there's nothing wrong with disagreeing on an issue for moral or religious reasons.
It'd certainly be a boring world if all we did was sit around and agree with each other, right?
But that doesn't stop some bad-faith actors from inserting themselves as antagonists into someone else's problems. For example, before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last year and left the decision up to the states, the few abortion providers scattered across the Deep South were regularly picketed by evangelical groups.
Politicians are getting in on the game as well, with Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton as recently as Thursday making headlines in the high-profile case in Travis County of a woman who sued for and was granted the right to an abortion due to an unviable pregnancy that could jeopardize the life of the mother.
Paxton, in a letter to the woman's doctor, warned the physician that a temporary restraining order recently issued by a Travis County District Court judge would not insulate the doctor or anyone else from civil and criminal liability for violating the state's abortion laws.
Alabama's post-Roe abortion ban — a law passed by the state in 2019 that was superseded by Roe v. Wade until the court's decision — is one of the nation's most comprehensive, with state lawmakers blasted during the summer of 2022 for not including provisions to allow for abortions in cases of rape, incest or an unviable pregnancy that could threaten the health of the mother.
"You've got a bunch of politicians who are hardcore against abortion who are now tasked with fairly and impartially enforcing the law," State Rep. Chris England, a Democrat from Tuscaloosa, told me last year. "It creates a scenario where the same process that was used to score political points and use our constituents as collateral will now turn into somebody being arrested to accomplish the same objective. This isn't like any other criminal offense, because in other places it's still legal."
I'm not saying there's anything wrong with being a person of faith and standing firm on one's convictions. Rather, it's the fear-mongering and antagonistic approach to those with different worldviews that worries me, especially when one takes note of the ever-increasing prevalence of online conspiracy theories and the willingness of so many on the far-right fringes to demand, sometimes under the threat of violence, that others conform to their religious and political beliefs or face the consequences.
And, dear reader, the conspiracies thrown around during Wednesday night's debate were disturbingly abundant and so frequent that it became almost impossible to keep track by a certain point. For those who know what to look for, though, the wild allegations seemed to reflect Trump's cultural and ideological impact on the party.
After all, what made Trump gain so much early momentum in his successful 2016 bid was his pugilistic approach to the debate stage.
Many will remember well how the political newcomer, one by one, cut down a crowded field of seasoned and qualified challengers, much to the adulation of those wandering in the political wilderness, fed up with establishment Republicans.
But once that aforementioned blue-collar subset of the Republican base got a taste for unfiltered political aggression on the national stage, this approach quickly became the primary trait so many look for when supporting a political candidate. It's also become an increasingly trusted tactic used on the stump in 21st-century conservative politics.
Facts were loose during the debate, with little to no emphasis placed on the public decorum of the candidates. Meanwhile, the desperate anger from the floundering group of GOP hopefuls was turned up to a Spinal Tap "11" as they bitterly fought to scratch out what little they could with time for making gains ticking away ahead of the first primary next month.
Nevertheless, Wednesday was a most historic night for Alabama as it hosted the state's first-ever presidential debate in my hometown of Tuscaloosa and I don't want that fact to be lost amid my frothing personal ramblings and subjective takeaways in an opinion column.
If you'd believe it, even some Democrats applauded the city of Tuscaloosa and UA for landing the debate, with former Democratic gubernatorial nominee and Tuscaloosa Mayor Walt Maddox touting the impact and overall exposure for the city, while former Democratic Sen. Doug Jones was also in attendance in the media spin room before the debate to take questions from reporters at what I initially assumed was an exclusively Republican event.
So, at the risk of raining on the parade of any proud Alabamians, here is my firsthand perspective, worthless opinions and a whole bunch of takeaways that were left on the cutting room floor when I published my initial hard news story about an unforgettable Wednesday night in Tuscaloosa.
A Primer For The Primary

Before setting out on any high-stakes political story, I always make it a point to seek outside perspectives from those who understand what I'm dealing with far better than I ever will.
It's important, after all, for the sole fact that such an approach awards me with rich questions I would never formulate myself. So, on Wednesday afternoon, I paid a visit to a highly qualified Republican insider with an illustrious résumé who has, over the years, become a trusted friend and supporter, complete with a hard-earned wellspring of honest insight you can just about set your watch by.
I've quoted him here and there, but our talks are almost always off the record or on background, with Wednesday being no different as I picked his brain regarding how I should approach covering a highly anticipated debate that would have little to no impact on the outcome of the primary.
I also had to consider that the debate would not see the presumed frontrunner — former President Donald Trump — take the stage with the other candidates still vying, in vain, for the coveted nomination.
The conversation went in many different informative directions, but my ears perked up at something my friend said and I quickly scribbled down three words in my notebook and underlined them for emphasis: "Lack of enthusiasm."
Indeed, to my trusted confidant's point, the main feedback I received from all levels and walks of life in the weeks leading up to the debate focused much more on voters lamenting the absence of Trump than expressing the excitement over the fact that Alabama was about to host its very first presidential debate.
Even the Tuscaloosa County Democratic Party said in a statement late Thursday that the spirit of the debate was undercut by Trump's absence. Indeed, what's the point of having a nationally televised debate if none of the candidates on the stage have a shot in hell at winning?
“The Republican policies we saw discussed last night were harmful for the American people,” Tuscaloosa County Party Chair Judith Taylor said. “The candidates spent more time posturing than on proposing solutions. Alabamians want prosperous, safe, and healthy lives. That is not what Republicans stand for.”
To that end, the contrast is startling when comparing the invitation-only affair Wednesday night to the muddy, open-air chaos of Trump's 2021 rally in Cullman.
With no general admission and stiff guidelines for the live audience, the event on the UA campus came off as stuffy and somewhat formal — devoid of true flesh-and-blood enthusiasm from the audience apart from the few moments of thunderous boos or applause.
Conspiracies & 'Blowhards'

Easily the most viral moment of Wednesday night's GOP Primary Debate came when 38-year-old entrepreneur Vivek Ramaswamy held up a white legal pad with the words "Nikki = Corrupt" written on the top page in big black letters.
While those in the concert hall rained down a chorus of boos in response, the image became a meme almost instantly. This surely resonated with Ramaswamy's small, yet vocal base and likely played well to the anti-establishment MAGA crowd, especially when you consider Ramaswamy is the only real fringe candidate left in the race when compared to Christie, DeSantis and Haley, all of whom have served long careers in government.
This dramatic act, though, mostly served as just one regrettable example of the immaturity and pettiness on display Wednesday night — traits popularized in the political realm by Trump — with candidates spending most of the two-hour debate taking personal jabs at one another and talking very little about policy.
Separate from insulting the intelligence or experience of the other candidates on the debate stage, what proved far more disturbing were the conspiracy theories.
Indeed, former United Nations Ambassador and former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley generated headlines when she made the nonscientific assertion that a person becomes "17% more antisemitic with every 30 minutes spent watching TikTok."
Ramaswamy also made baseless claims that the Jan. 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol was an "inside job," while also lending credibility to the "Big Lie" stolen election conspiracy and the "Great Replacement Theory" — a far-right conspiracy popular among white nationalists that alleges a plot designed to undermine or “replace” the political power and culture of white people in western countries, according to a definition provided by the National Immigration Forum.
It's worth pointing out, too, that Ramaswamy and his supporters floated speculation in early November that DeSantis — who stands just under 6 feet tall — wears height boosters in his shoes to appear taller than he is.
Thursday morning, I took special care during a campaign event in downtown Tuscaloosa to snap a couple of photos of the Florida governor's footwear and found my only criticism to be the boring style of shoe, which didn't appear modified to boost his height.

These were just the most glaring examples of the conspiracies, but ones that I believe truly highlight the tactic of repeating a lie so often that it is eventually accepted as fact.
Remember the scientific nuances of the COVID-19 pandemic and the emergence of concepts like "alternative facts?"
So, if it was real facts you were looking for Wednesday night, this is probably about the best you're going to get, especially considering how the night was dominated by disjointed and hot-tempered clashes between candidates that made it difficult for any of the four to provide consistently clear answers to questions or even finish a complete thought without being interrupted.
I also must be critical of the questions that were tailored to the individual candidates instead of being general questions to be answered by each of the participants. This approach lends itself to bias on the part of the network hosting the debate and does little, if anything, to inform voters about where the candidates stand on real policy issues.
This format also caused issues right out the gate, with former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie — polling among the lowest of candidates still in the race — pointing out almost 20 minutes into the event that he had yet to be given an opportunity by the moderators to speak.
This came after DeSantis and Haley immediately jumped into a heated back and forth to kick off the night, which would set the tone for the rest of the evening.
Still, what bothers this reporter the most apart from the conspiracy theories are the hollow attempts to look tough on the big stage. After all, regardless of the cliché, might doesn't always necessarily "make right."
Christie, for instance, countered Ramaswamy's incessant criticism of Haley with personal attacks of his own, putting his hypocrisy on display after denouncing blowhards and bullies, only to employ a tactic used by the very individuals he was attempting to hold accountable for their conduct.
And never mind that Christie made a name for himself as one of the biggest bullies in recent political memory following the "Bridge Gate" scandal roughly a decade ago.
Conversely, though, it was Christie who stood out as the only candidate willing to publicly criticize Trump and expressed his view that he did not think the former commander-in-chief was mentally fit to serve another term.
This was several steps too far for the other candidates, however, with DeSantis choosing to dance around the question by instead focusing on Trump's age, while the extent of Haley's criticism of the former president leaned more on the chaos that follows Trump and not so much the competency of the man himself.
The lack of criticism of Trump from the candidates comes after the former president on Tuesday was asked if he would be a dictator if re-elected, to which the Associated Press said he responded: "No. Except for day one."
This is a sentiment that has been publicly embraced by the most extreme MAGA sycophants like far-right activist Laura Loomer, who said this Wednesday on social media in response to the dictator comment:

It's almost like they are telling us the quiet part out loud, so maybe we should listen?
DeSantis, however, was quick to argue that the Donald Trump in front of television cameras on a rally stage is not the same Donald Trump in the Oval Office, which provides an interesting contrast to Loomer's lust for authoritarianism.
“The media is making a big deal about what he said about some of these comments,” DeSantis said Wednesday in Tuscaloosa. “I would just remind people, that is not how he governed. He didn’t even fire Dr. [Anthony] Fauci. He didn’t fire [FBI Director] Christopher Wray. He didn’t clean up the swamp. He said he was gonna drain it. He did not drain it. He said he was gonna build a wall and have Mexico pay for it. We don’t have the wall.”
This stood out as the most coherent criticism of Trump from any of the candidates other than Christie, who repeatedly steered the discussions back to the threats posed by another Trump presidency. In a prescient moment, he also cautioned voters to be careful what they wish for and who they support on the ballot.
"[Trump] will only be his own retribution," Christie said. "He doesn't care about the American people. It's Donald Trump first."
Christie was loudly booed for this controversial comment and, as the night wore on, civility simply wasn't an option. And sadly, our nation is no better for it as a result.
The Day The Circus Came To Town

Running on zero sleep from the night before and wearing two coats, I shivered and fought off the 32-degree chill in the air by chugging black coffee from a NewsNation thermos as I stood on the quiet sidewalk in Temerson Square.
A little before 6 a.m., the sun had yet to rise and all but one of the businesses along 4th Street were still closed.
However, Brick & Spoon — a popular spot in downtown Tuscaloosa for breakfast, brunch and lunch — played host early Thursday morning to FOX & Friends, which broadcast its "Breakfast with Friends" segment with co-host Lawrence Jones as a way to recap the debate from the night before.
Jones was joined by DeSantis, Haley and Ramaswamy, along with a suspiciously large crowd of younger patrons who didn't exactly look like the pre-dawn breakfast set, but more like folks who had been asked by the party or individual campaigns to be there to make the place look full of excited Republican voters.
Still, each candidate handled their appearance in markedly different ways, beginning with Ramaswamy getting into a heated exchange with FOX & Friends co-host Brian Kilmeade over a question about Russia.
But in playing up his viral legal pad insult from the debate, Ramaswamy on Thursday morning also held up a paper sign that read: "FOX & Friends No. 1" — all while a television behind the restaurant's bar showed his live interview.
When the cameras started rolling, Ramaswamy was quick to begin rattling off conspiracy theories, including comparing the mainstream media narrative around his crowd sizes to the same frustrations expressed by Trump over the years.

With the focus turning to the Iowa caucuses on Jan. 15, 2024, the entrepreneur told FOX & Friends that they may be surprised by the outcome.
"I'm not in this to play some political calculus," he said. "I will speak my convictions, I will speak them honestly and sometimes that's difficult to hear. But if you want a candidate who's going to get in there and take down the Deep State, somebody who is going to speak truth to power, then vote for somebody who is going to speak the truth to you. And sometimes the truth is uncomfortable."
To his credit, though, Ramaswamy seemed in his element hugging the necks of his supporters, one of whom told me the applause was genuine and not manufactured when he arrived for the show.
After the sun came up, other dignitaries began to arrive, such as Alabama GOP Party Chair John Wahl and former White House Press Secretary and conservative pundit Sean Spicer, who became a household name for his brief, tumultuous tenure in the Trump administration.

DeSantis showed up just before 7 a.m., though, and was met with a loud round of applause, particularly from those already seated and dressed in DeSantis campaign gear. The Florida governor used his time to shake hands, speak with voters and pose for photos, including one staged photo-op with a group sitting at a table.
Once on the show, though, Jones asked him if he had turned his focus away from Trump and toward Haley, who has gained momentum in the polls and is the strongest challenger to the once-promising presidential bid for DeSantis.
"I take on all comers," DeSantis said. "They're spending millions of dollars trying to attack me, so of course we're going to fight back. The surge [in support for Haley] is more of a media thing. You're not seeing it on the ground with conservative voters. In fact, conservative voters don't support her. That's just the reality."

While DeSantis defended and reiterated his positions expressed during the debate, the most interesting insight could be found in what the Republican governor told those gathered around regarding the College Football Playoff.
As WGCU reported on Thursday, DeSantis is asking Florida lawmakers to set aside $1 million in its budget to cover the costs of any litigation against the NCAA following news that 13-0 Florida State had been passed over for a spot in the CFP.
DeSantis, however, provided a lighthearted response when the topic came up as he spoke with those in attendance, offering an anecdote about his children asking about Florida State's chances of making the playoff. It was arguably one of the only moments of levity throughout the debate and its related events.
"There were four undefeated teams, Michigan and Ohio State were going to play, so one of them was going to drop off, " DeSantis explained. "So I told them, I said 'guys, if [FSU] just wins the next two games, they're going to go to the playoff and they keep asking me 'Daddy why are they not in the playoff?' And I don't have a very good answer for that.
"For Florida, we used to be really good every year and then, the last however many years, it's been tougher," he added of the University of Florida. "[Alabama goes] to the playoff every year, so it's a little bit different for us. We were hoping to get back."
The FOX & Friends event at Brick & Spoon concluded with Haley, who was not initially announced with the other two candidates before the broadcast.
Nonetheless, Haley entered the eatery to the loudest applause of the morning — including a round of "Roll Tides" — before telling those in attendance that she was not a fan of the Georgia Bulldogs. This was also met with laughter and applause before she sat down with FOX & Friends.
Talk quickly moved to the sharp criticism leveled at Haley from DeSantis and Ramaswamy, who both criticized her connections to large transnational corporations like Boeing and what they view as a weak attitude toward the myriad threats posed by China.

Haley flatly refuted the claims, echoing the defense of her record from the night before and then floating the possibility of envy being the driving factor for the attacks against her from other candidates. While she did not mention DeSantis by name during her appearance on FOX & Friends, she focused instead on addressing the accusations made by Ramaswamy
"When [voters] come to me, they ask me what my views are," Haley said. "I don't ever ask them what their views are. They know I'm tough on China. They saw the work I did as governor. They know what I did at the UN ... Make no mistake, these fellas, would take every bit of that support if it was going to them.
"It's not worth dealing with Vivek," she added. "He keeps saying I'm a military contractor and I've never been a military contractor. He keeps saying all these things I've never done but I'm not going to sit there and give him one more second. He's proven he's not a serious candidate, so I'm not going to deal with him anymore."
CONCLUSIONS
Given the embarrassing displays by the candidates, which range from outright lies to vitriolic personal attacks, my hopes for the salvation of the GOP's integrity on the national stage seem like a long shot — especially considering Trump's looming presence at the moment.
While my generation and those older than me may be lost causes, what truly worries me is the influence this kind of toxic politics is likely to have down the road. After all, before Trump came along, the meanest thing ever said in a televised debate was a playful joke from President Ronald Reagan at the expense of his 1984 challenger Walter Mondale's age.
But in the age of Trump, everything from outward appearance to family members is fair game.
The former president, for example, went on the offensive in 2017 against Republican U.S. Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, which resulted in one of his most infamous low-blows to date, hitting Cruz with a one-two combination of making fun of his wife's looks, while also speculating that his father may have played a role in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
Just this instance is as outrageous as it is unprecedented in the history of American democracy and should give folks of all political stripes cause for concern as more and more politicians adopt the loathsome tactics that helped Trump bully his way to the head of the party.
In closing, though, I'd like to circle back to one of my initial points — the lack of enthusiasm for a GOP debate without Trump.
Is that what the voters want?
Entertainment value over the issues?
Hollering over talking?
Personal attacks over measured platform criticisms?
Violence over peace?
Hate over tolerance?
I still like to believe that the majority of people are inherently good and will do the right thing if given the opportunity, though. And for the sake of our children, we better be praying that is the case.
My hope is to one day see our politics evolve out of this toxic phase to become a more grounded, common-sense approach to governance that places a high premium on simple, yet universal concepts like empathy, compassion, generosity and respect.
Ryan Phillips is an award-winning journalist, editor and opinion columnist. He is also the founder and field editor of Tuscaloosa Patch. The opinions expressed in this column are in no way a reflection of our parent company or sponsors. Email news tips to ryan.phillips@patch.com.
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